Prime Minister Narendra Modi has embarked on a strategic multi-leg Central Asia tour, beginning with a two-day official visit to Uzbekistan’s capital, Tashkent, before heading to Kyrgyzstan’s Bishkek to participate in the 26th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit. The visit marks Modi’s first engagement with the Eurasian security and economic grouping since the 2024 Astana summit and comes at a moment of heightened regional tension following a deadly terror attack in Indian-administered Kashmir and a subsequent military operation targeting terror infrastructure in Pakistan.
In a statement issued before departure, Modi said India seeks to advance its vision for a region “free from terror,” framing the visit around counter-terrorism cooperation and regional connectivity. The Prime Minister is expected to hold bilateral meetings with Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev and other regional leaders during the Tashkent leg of the journey, according to The Hindu.
The Tashkent stop carries substantial historical weight for India-Uzbekistan bilateral ties. Modi has previously visited Uzbekistan on three occasions—in 2016 and 2018 for bilateral engagements, and in 2023 when he attended the Samarkand SCO Summit hosted by President Mirziyoyev. In a significant development for economic relations between the two nations, India and Uzbekistan signed a bilateral investment treaty in 2025 during Mirziyoyev’s state visit to New Delhi, establishing frameworks for cross-border investment protection and economic cooperation.
The Prime Minister’s references to a region “free from terror” arrive against the backdrop of a major escalation in India-Pakistan tensions following a deadly attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, on April 22, 2025, that claimed the lives of 26 civilians. India subsequently launched Operation Sindoor on May 7, 2025, a military operation targeting terror infrastructure on Pakistani territory, significantly raising diplomatic stakes across South Asia and lending sharper urgency to Modi’s counter-terrorism messaging at regional forums.
The Tashkent visit also serves as a diplomatic foundation before Modi’s arrival in Bishkek for the SCO summit. The Prime Minister last visited Kyrgyzstan in 2019 for the Bishkek SCO Summit, making this his second engagement with the Central Asian republic at that level. For both Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, hosting the Indian Prime Minister offers an opportunity to deepen engagement with one of the world’s fastest-growing major economies while navigating their own complex geopolitical positioning between Russia, China, and the wider Islamic world.
The SCO, which groups together eight member states including India, China, Russia, Pakistan, and the four Central Asian republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, remains one of the most significant multilateral frameworks for Eurasian security and economic cooperation. The Bishkek summit will bring together leaders from these nations at a time when the grouping faces competing pressures from shifting global alliances, regional security challenges, and economic integration ambitions.
Modi’s participation in the 26th SCO Summit follows his absence from any formal engagement with the grouping throughout the past year, making this visit notable for resetting India’s diplomatic presence within the organization. India’s agenda at the summit is expected to include connectivity projects through the Chabahar port in Iran and the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), both of which New Delhi views as critical for expanding trade links with Central Asia and beyond while reducing dependence on routes that traverse Pakistan. Energy cooperation, particularly in the context of India’s growing demand for hydrocarbons and uranium supplies, is also likely to feature in discussions.
Counter-terrorism coordination through existing SCO frameworks—particularly the SCO Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS)—will likely receive prominent attention given the political context of Modi’s visit. India has long advocated for more robust mechanisms within the SCO to address terrorism, separatism, and extremism, though progress has been complicated by the presence of Pakistan as a member state and differing perspectives among members on definitions and approaches to counter-terrorism.
Why the Visit Matters
The strategic significance of Modi’s Central Asia tour extends beyond bilateral relations with Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Central Asia occupies a pivotal position in Eurasian geopolitics, serving as a crossroads between Russia, China, South Asia, and Europe. For India, the region represents an opportunity to expand its strategic footprint, diversify trade routes, and counter the influence of rivals in spaces where New Delhi has historically been underrepresented.
The timing of the visit amplifies its importance. Operation Sindoor and the broader escalation with Pakistan have forced India to sharpen its messaging on counter-terrorism at every diplomatic forum, and the SCO summit presents a platform where this message can reach multiple audiences simultaneously—including China, which shares concerns about terrorism but has historically been reluctant to endorse positions that could be perceived as targeting Pakistan. How India navigates this balance at the summit will be closely watched by regional analysts.
For Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, the visit offers tangible benefits beyond symbolic prestige. Both countries are seeking to expand their economic partnerships and reduce reliance on any single major power. India, with its large market, technology sector, and development financing capabilities, represents an attractive alternative partner. The 2025 bilateral investment treaty with Uzbekistan signals a deepening of economic ties that both governments appear eager to build upon.
Background and Context
India’s engagement with Central Asia has accelerated significantly over the past decade, driven by strategic competition with China and the recognition that the region offers critical overland access to European and Eurasian markets. The Chabahar port agreement, which gives India access to a trade route through Iran bypassing Pakistan, has been a cornerstone of this strategy, and New Delhi has consistently promoted the INSTC as an alternative corridor for goods flowing between South Asia and Europe.
The SCO itself has been a focal point of India’s regional diplomacy since joining the organization in 2017. While India has at times been cautious about fully engaging with SCO mechanisms—particularly given China’s dominance within the grouping and the presence of Pakistan—participation at the leadership level remains important for maintaining diplomatic visibility and advancing specific bilateral and multilateral interests.
Counter-terrorism cooperation has been a persistent theme in India’s SCO engagement. The SCO RATS, headquartered in Tashkent, provides a framework for intelligence sharing and joint operations against terrorist organizations, though effectiveness has varied depending on member state priorities and political considerations. India’s push to foreground counter-terrorism at the Bishkek summit reflects both the domestic political salience of security issues following Pahalgam and New Delhi’s broader objective of building international consensus against terrorism sponsors.
The backdrop of India-Pakistan tensions also affects how other SCO members approach their engagement with New Delhi. Countries like Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan maintain working relations with Pakistan and have historically avoided taking sides in the India-Pakistan dispute. Modi’s blunt counter-terrorism rhetoric may require careful diplomatic handling by hosts who have their own interests in maintaining functional relations with Islamabad.
What to Watch Next
Several developments merit close attention as the tour unfolds. The content and tone of Modi’s bilateral discussions with President Mirziyoyev in Tashkent will offer early signals about the depth of India-Uzbekistan economic and security cooperation. Any joint statements or agreements signed during the visit could establish new frameworks for investment, trade, or counter-terrorism collaboration.
At the Bishkek summit, the extent to which counter-terrorism emerges as a substantive agenda item—as opposed to remaining a rhetorical theme—will be a key indicator of whether India’s messaging is translating into concrete commitments. India’s ability to secure mention of terrorism in summit declarations, or to advance specific proposals through SCO RATS, will demonstrate the effectiveness of its diplomatic outreach.
The broader geopolitical dynamics at the summit will also draw scrutiny. Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin are expected to attend, and their interactions with Modi will be parsed for signals about the state of India-China border tensions and India-Russia defense and energy relations. Modi has not met Xi for a formal bilateral summit since the 2022 Eastern Ladakh standoff, though recent diplomatic contacts suggest both sides are working toward a potential meeting. The Bishkek setting could provide an opportunity for such an encounter if pre-summit negotiations produce sufficient movement.
Kyrgyzstan’s own priorities will shape the summit’s outcomes. The Central Asian republic has been working to position itself as a neutral venue for regional dialogue while pursuing its own economic development agenda. How Bishkek structures the summit’s priorities—and whether it can deliver outcomes that satisfy all members—will test the SCO’s capacity for meaningful consensus.
Conclusion
Modi’s Central Asia tour represents a significant moment for Indian diplomacy, coming at a time when New Delhi is navigating heightened security challenges, evolving great-power dynamics, and the need to consolidate regional partnerships built over the past decade. The dual focus on Uzbekistan and the SCO summit allows India to advance both bilateral and multilateral objectives simultaneously, targeting economic engagement with individual Central Asian states while leveraging the broader platform the SCO provides for regional security dialogue.
The counter-terrorism emphasis that Modi has foregrounded reflects the political weight of recent events in Kashmir and the government’s determination to keep international attention on Pakistan’s alleged support for terrorist groups. Whether this messaging produces tangible outcomes at the summit—new agreements, strengthened frameworks, or merely reaffirmation of existing positions—will become clearer in the coming days. What is already evident is that India is approaching the SCO with clear priorities and little patience for purely ceremonial engagement. The Bishkek summit will test whether that approach can deliver results on the ground.
Sources
[The Hindu](https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/looking-to-advance-indias-vision-for-region-free-from-terror-says-pm-modi-as-he-embarks-on-visit-to-uzbekistan-kyrgyzstan/article71403493.ece)
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Story synopsis gathered from: The Hindu – National — source
