Breaking Sanctions and bombs won’t end the war in Iran. Trump is running out of options against an intractable foe

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The Trump administration’s escalating campaign of economic sanctions and military pressure against Iran has failed to compel Tehran’s capitulation, leaving Washington with diminishing leverage and no clear exit strategy from a protracted standoff that threatens regional stability and global energy markets. Analysis from The Conversation argues that Iran’s demonstrated capacity to absorb economic punishment, combined with its asymmetric military capabilities and strategic geographic position, has rendered conventional coercion ineffective. With each new round of penalties and military posturing producing limited results, policymakers face a structural impasse: military strikes risk broader escalation while continued sanctions alone appear to have reached a point of diminishing returns.

What happened

The administration has pursued what it terms a “maximum pressure” campaign against the Islamic Republic, layering successive rounds of economic sanctions atop military threats and limited kinetic actions. According to the analysis, this approach has not produced the regime change or significant policy shifts its architects anticipated. Iran’s government has redirected trade routes and forged alternative financial partnerships to blunt sanctions’ impact, while its military and political leadership have consistently framed external pressure as evidence of American hostility rather than a reason to negotiate from weakness.

The analysis notes that Tehran has shown no willingness to accept the terms on offer from Washington, even as the sanctions regime has intensified. Iranian officials have publicly rejected negotiations under duress, insisting that the United States must first return to compliance with the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) before any talks can resume. Meanwhile, Iranian proxy forces across the region — including in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen — have continued operations that challenge U.S. interests and those of its allies, demonstrating Tehran’s ability to project power despite economic constraints.

Why it matters

The impasse carries significant implications beyond the bilateral relationship. Global energy markets remain vulnerable to disruption in the Strait of Hormuz, through which approximately one-fifth of the world’s oil supply transits. Iranian threats to close the strait, while not executed, create persistent risk premiums in oil pricing. Regional allies — particularly Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates — have pressed Washington for stronger action while simultaneously hedging through diplomatic engagement with Tehran, reflecting uncertainty about U.S. staying power.

Domestically, the administration faces political constraints. The president campaigned on ending “endless wars” in the Middle East, yet his Iran policy has deepened U.S. military involvement in the region. Congressional skeptics from both parties have questioned the legal basis for military action without authorization, while allies in Europe have resisted pressure to abandon the JCPOA framework entirely. These cross-pressures limit the administration’s room for maneuver.

Analysis: The failure of maximum-pressure campaigns to produce regime change or significant policy shifts in Iran is not new. Previous administrations have confronted the same reality: Iran’s strategic depth, geographic position, and asymmetric military capabilities make it resistant to conventional coercion. The current administration’s approach has layered sanctions on top of military threats, yet Tehran has shown no willingness to accept the terms on offer. The argument that a single viable path forward remains for both sides suggests that some form of negotiated settlement — however difficult — may be the only mechanism capable of ending the cycle of escalation. This would require concessions from both Washington and Tehran that each side has so far been unwilling to make. The political constraints on both leaders make such a breakthrough difficult but not impossible.

Background and context

The current standoff traces to the Trump administration’s May 2018 withdrawal from the JCPOA, the multilateral nuclear agreement negotiated by the Obama administration alongside the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Russia, and China. The agreement had constrained Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for sanctions relief. Following withdrawal, the administration reimposed and expanded U.S. sanctions, targeting Iran’s oil exports, banking sector, shipping, and key industries. The stated goal was to force a “better deal” addressing not only nuclear activities but also ballistic missile development and regional proxy operations.

Iran initially remained in the agreement for a year, urging European signatories to provide economic relief through the Instrument in Support of Trade Exchanges (INSTEX), a special-purpose vehicle designed to facilitate non-dollar trade. When European efforts proved insufficient to offset U.S. secondary sanctions, Tehran began a calibrated series of nuclear escalations — exceeding enrichment limits, stockpile caps, and centrifuge restrictions — while maintaining that these steps were reversible upon sanctions relief.

The administration responded with further sanctions designations, including the unprecedented April 2019 designation of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a foreign terrorist organization. Tensions escalated through a series of incidents: attacks on oil tankers in the Gulf of Oman, the downing of a U.S. surveillance drone, the September 2019 attack on Saudi Aramco facilities (which the U.S. attributed to Iran), and the January 2020 U.S. drone strike that killed IRGC Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani. Iran retaliated with ballistic missile strikes on Iraqi bases hosting U.S. personnel, causing traumatic brain injuries to over 100 American service members.

Throughout this period, Iran’s economy contracted sharply. The International Monetary Fund estimated a 7.6% GDP decline in 2019, with inflation exceeding 40% and the rial losing roughly 80% of its value against the dollar. Yet the regime survived, leveraging its control over state institutions, the security apparatus, and a network of bonyads (charitable foundations) that dominate large sectors of the economy. Smuggling networks, barter trade with neighbors, and cryptocurrency transactions provided sanctions evasion channels. China continued purchasing Iranian oil despite U.S. pressure, providing a critical lifeline.

What to watch next

Several developments could alter the trajectory. The November 2020 U.S. presidential election represents a potential inflection point: a Democratic victory would likely bring a return to diplomatic engagement and possible JCPOA revival, while a second Trump term would signal continuation or intensification of maximum pressure. Iranian leaders have signaled willingness to wait out the current administration, but domestic economic discontent — manifested in periodic protests over fuel prices, water shortages, and corruption — creates pressure for relief.

On the nuclear front, Iran’s systematic breaches of JCPOA limits have reduced its “breakout time” — the theoretical period needed to produce enough fissile material for a single weapon — from roughly one year under the agreement to an estimated three to four months, according to International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) assessments and independent analysts. While Iran maintains its program is peaceful, the accumulation of 60% enriched uranium (a short technical step from weapons-grade 90%) and advanced centrifuge deployment have alarmed nonproliferation experts. The IAEA’s verification access has been curtailed since February 2021, when Iran suspended the Additional Protocol in response to unresolved sanctions relief demands.

Regionally, the Abraham Accords normalizing relations between Israel and several Arab states have created a new alignment against Iranian influence, but have not translated into a coherent security architecture. Israeli officials have threatened unilateral military action against Iranian nuclear facilities, a step that could trigger wider conflict. Meanwhile, Iran’s “axis of resistance” — including Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad in Gaza, various militias in Iraq and Syria, and the Houthis in Yemen — retains capacity to strike U.S. and allied interests across multiple theaters.

Diplomatic off-ramps remain theoretically available. European parties to the JCPOA have repeatedly sought to revive talks, most recently through indirect negotiations in Vienna in 2021-2022 that neared a mutual return to compliance before stalling over Iran’s demand for guarantees against future U.S. withdrawal and the IRGC designation. The UN Security Council’s “snapback” mechanism — allowing any JCPOA participant to trigger reimposition of UN sanctions — remains a dormant but potent tool that the U.S. attempted to invoke in 2020, only to be rejected by other Council members on the grounds that Washington had ceased to be a participant.

Conclusion

The analysis concludes that the United States faces a fundamental strategic dilemma: the tools of coercion — sanctions and military force — have proven insufficient to compel Iranian capitulation, while the alternative of negotiated compromise requires political concessions that both governments have thus far rejected. Iran’s demonstrated resilience, rooted in its revolutionary ideology, institutional cohesion, and geographic advantages, suggests that waiting for internal collapse is not a viable strategy. Conversely, military escalation carries unpredictable risks of regional conflagration that could draw in multiple actors and disrupt global energy supplies for an extended period.

The impasse reflects a deeper asymmetry: the United States seeks to alter the behavior of a regional power that views its nuclear and proxy capabilities as existential insurance against regime change, while Iran seeks sanctions relief and international legitimacy without surrendering the strategic assets it has spent decades building. Bridging this gap would require sustained diplomatic engagement, credible security guarantees, and a phased compliance mechanism — elements that were present in the JCPOA but eroded by mutual mistrust and domestic political opposition in both capitals.

Absent a breakthrough, the current trajectory points toward continued low-intensity conflict, periodic escalation cycles, and a nuclear program advancing toward the threshold of weapons capability — an outcome that serves neither side’s stated interests but may become the default reality in the absence of political will to pursue the difficult compromises that diplomacy demands.

Sources:
– The Conversation: https://theconversation.com/sanctions-and-bombs-wont-end-the-war-in-iran-trump-is-running-out-of-options-against-an-intractable-foe-290852

Source: The Conversation – Global

Corrections

If you believe this article contains an error, contact Herald Express with the source URL and supporting evidence.

Story synopsis gathered from: The Conversation – Global — source

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