Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday sought to redefine the boundaries of Hindutva during a public address in Mumbai, directly confronting a question from Muslim attendees about their place in the concept of a “Hindu Rashtra.” Bhagwat asserted that Hindutva represents a civilizational and cultural identity inherent to the land, rather than an exclusionary religious doctrine, reiterating the organization’s long-standing position that India’s cultural nationalism accommodates all communities who regard the country as their motherland.
What Happened
Speaking at a gathering in Mumbai, Bhagwat recounted a previous interaction where Muslim audience members had questioned the RSS’s vision. “I had a lecture, and Muslim brothers were also there. And they asked me a question: ‘You are a Hindu organisation, you say Hindu Rashtra, what about us Muslims?'” Bhagwat said, according to a report by NDTV.
His response framed the RSS definition of Hindutva in explicitly cultural terms. “I said, ‘No, that is not Hindutva.’ Hindutva does not mean that only Hindus can live in this country. Hindutva means that the cultural identity of this land is Hindu,” Bhagwat stated. He emphasized that this cultural identity, rooted in Hindu philosophy and values, is inherently inclusive and encompasses all citizens who consider India their motherland, regardless of their mode of worship.
During the same event, Bhagwat also stressed the importance of national unity and collective effort toward national development, though he did not announce specific policy initiatives aimed at minority communities. The remarks were delivered amid a charged political atmosphere where the relationship between the state, the majority community, and religious minorities—particularly Muslims, who constitute approximately 14% of the population per the 2011 Census—remains a central fault line in Indian politics.
Why It Matters
Bhagwat’s comments carry weight far beyond the auditorium in Mumbai. As the Sarsanghchalak of the RSS, he leads the ideological fountainhead of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, and numerous chief ministers and cabinet ministers are products of the RSS cadre system. Consequently, the RSS chief’s public articulation of ideology functions as a signaling mechanism for the broader Sangh Parivar—the network of affiliated organizations spanning politics, education, labor, and social work—and sets the interpretive framework for government policy.
The distinction Bhagwat drew between “Hindu Rashtra” (Hindu Nation) and “Hindutva” (Hindu-ness) is a critical semantic and conceptual maneuver. Critics and scholars have long argued that the term “Hindu Rashtra” implies a theocratic majoritarian state where non-Hindus are second-class citizens. By insisting that Hindutva is a cultural descriptor rather than a religious test for citizenship, Bhagwat attempts to insulate the organization from charges of constitutional incompatibility. The Indian Constitution defines India as a secular republic; the RSS has historically contested the Western import of “secularism,” advocating instead for “positive secularism” or a state grounded in indigenous civilizational values.
However, the gap between this rhetorical inclusivity and the lived experience of minority communities has widened in recent years. Incidents of mob lynching, “love jihad” legislation, anti-conversion laws, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the use of bulldozers against Muslim-owned properties have been cited by human rights organizations and opposition parties as evidence of a de facto majoritarian project. Bhagwat’s assertion that “that is not Hindutva” when confronted with exclusionary practices serves as a “no true Scotsman” defense: it defines the ideology by its idealized text rather than its political praxis.
Background and Context
The RSS was founded in 1925 by K.B. Hedgewar in Nagpur, drawing inspiration from European nationalist movements and a desire to organize Hindu society against perceived internal division and external threat. Its second chief, M.S. Golwalkar, articulated the theory of cultural nationalism in his 1939 work We, or Our Nationhood Defined, where he praised Germany’s treatment of Jews as a model for assimilating minorities—a passage that continues to haunt the organization. Subsequent leaders, including Balasaheb Deoras and K.S. Sudarshan, moderated the public rhetoric, emphasizing “cultural nationalism” and reaching out to Muslim intellectuals, though the core demand for a Uniform Civil Code and the abrogation of Article 370 remained constant.
The BJP, formed in 1980 from the remnants of the Jana Sangh, is the RSS’s political arm. Since 2014, the Modi government has implemented key RSS agenda items: the abrogation of Article 370 (2019), the Supreme Court-enabled construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya (2024), and the passage of the CAA (2019). Each move was celebrated by the Sangh as civilizational restoration; each was protested by opponents as a blow to pluralism.
Bhagwat’s Mumbai remarks echo a pattern of “course correction” optics. In 2018, at a three-day lecture series in Delhi titled “Future of Bharat: An RSS Perspective,” he stated that the RSS does not believe in a “Hindu Rashtra” that excludes Muslims and that the concept of “Hindu” is cultural, not religious. He also said the RSS respects the Constitution. Yet, the period since 2018 has seen a sharp rise in communal polarization, much of it driven by BJP election campaigns and affiliated groups operating with apparent impunity.
The 2011 Census remains the last official religious demographic count; the 2021 Census was delayed indefinitely, first by the COVID-19 pandemic and then by administrative decisions. The absence of updated data fuels speculation and political narratives around demographic change, a core anxiety exploited by Hindutva ideologues.
Analysis: The Rhetoric-Praxis Gap
Analysis: Bhagwat’s remarks reflect the RSS’s enduring strategy of maintaining a distinction between its philosophical ideal—Hindutva as an inclusive cultural umbrella—and the political requirements of its electoral vehicle, the BJP, which often relies on majoritarian consolidation. This dual track allows the RSS to claim moral high ground in intellectual forums while the political wing mobilizes on identity grievances. The “cultural nationalism” formulation is elastic enough to accommodate both the claim that India is inherently Hindu in character and the claim that Muslims are “Hindu Muslims” by culture—a formulation Bhagwat has used previously. However, for Muslim citizens, the distinction offers little protection when laws and enforcement disproportionately target their community. The practical test of Bhagwat’s definition lies not in speeches but in whether the Sangh Parivar disciplines those who act on exclusionary interpretations—something it has rarely done.
What to Watch Next
Several developments will indicate whether Bhagwat’s Mumbai intervention signals a tactical shift or routine rhetoric management.
First, the BJP’s campaign rhetoric in upcoming state elections—particularly in Maharashtra, Jharkhand, and Delhi—will reveal if the top leadership tones down anti-Muslim tropes. In the 2024 general election, Modi’s speeches referencing “infiltrators,” “those who have more children,” and the “Congress manifesto bearing the imprint of the Muslim League” drew condemnation from the Election Commission and civil society. A sustained shift would require the Prime Minister and party president to explicitly repudiate such language.
Second, the RSS’s own affiliated organizations—the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), Bajrang Dal, and others—often operate at the sharp edge of communal tension. Whether the RSS leadership issues internal directives to restrain vigilante activity, particularly around religious processions, cow protection, and “anti-conversion” drives, will be a more reliable metric than the Sarsanghchalak’s public speeches.
Third, the government
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Story synopsis gathered from: NDTV – India News — source
